Theravada Buddhism is one of the schools of Buddhism. The majority of its following is in southeast Asian. Within the Laotian and eastern Thailand community, there is a ritual to free one's self from the constant cycle of death and rebirth in reincarnation. It is known as Kong Ka Tin. The ritual itself is to earn points in boun. Boun is the manifestation of all the good you have done in your life. The more boun you have, the more likely you are to reach nirvana. Therefore, boun might be described as the exact opposite of sin. The ritual can be performed for yourself, for someone you know, or for someone who has died. Typically, the ritual is for good health, to reach nirvana after death, or for a dead family member to reach nirvana sooner. [1]

The Kong Ka Kin ritual itself is based on reciprocity between the congregation and the temple and between the people and the divine. First, gifts are brought to the monks. In return, the monks bless all those who have given to them. Basically, the gifts act as a form of indulgence payment and the blessing of the monks is the acceptance of the payment. Second, they pray for the specific person the ritual is for. In return, the monks bless those who have participated in the prayer. In this instance, rather than the blessing being a reciprocation of a self-indulgence, it is for each participant has for the person the ritual focuses on. Finally, the people bring the items and place them in the temple for the monks. In return, the people are blessed again. By doing these duties for the monks, the people are blessed by the monks, who have the authority of the divine to do so. It sets up a religious group where the congregation is required to do certain tasks. As a result of completing these tasks, each individual of the congregation receives a blessing.

One of these Kong Ka Tin rituals was held at the home of Lith Panyanouvong, located in a Laotian neighborhood just outside of Squirrel Run subdivision in New Iberia, Louisiana, for his grandmother and grandfather. Both had been dead for more than twenty years, but the family convened to raise boun for both family members. However, in organizing and hosting the ritual, the family also raised boun for themselves. This shows how the Kong Ka Tin ritual is just as important to the living as it is to the dead. It also shows that the religion itself has adapted to benefit not only the deceased, but also the living. Therefore, the ritual itself serves more of a social function than a religious function.

The role of the members of the congregation is vital to the ritual’s outcome. The roles of the head monk, the monks, and the members of the congregation are clearly defined. While on the surface it appears that people attend the ritual out of their own self interest in obtaining more boun for themselves, they are also there to make sure their deceased loved ones receive more boun as well.

Attending one of these rituals is not only a religious obligation but also a social obligation, since certain prominent members of the community are expected to do certain things. The actual religious validity of the ritual is not questioned by any of the members of the congregation. Their religious beliefs, which are composed of Theravada Buddhism transposed over their ancient animistic beliefs, are completely internalized in a practice that begins from birth. The folklore, the music, and the social structure of the community are inseparable from their religious upbringing. Even those Laotians who have converted to Christianity, such as Sisongkam Phiavong and her son Robert Phiavong, still hold on to the many traditions of their society and continue to attend such rituals such as this one. The collective consciousness of the group is strong, encompassing every member of the Laotian community as well as deep meaning but allowing flexibility and tolerance for other ideas.

One of these prominent members of the community, such as Lith Panyanouvong, serves as host of the Kong Ka Tin ritual. Lith Panyanouvong, the father of Toby Panyanouvong, was the heir to the governorship of a Laotian province (which carries the title of Prince in their society) and a military general in the Laotian Civil War. Now living in the United States, he lives in a large, yet modest, middle-class home and works as a contract welder. Because of his high social status in Laos, he is the one who is expected to host the ritual as well as donate the most money and items to the temple. Even though his economic status in the United States is equal to that of other Laotians in the community, he is still treated as if he were still a member of the aristocracy in Laos. [2]

The setup of the ritual area and the ritual itself mirrors the Laotian society. The Laotian society is based on their ancient feudalistic caste system with the monks at the top. In the ritual area, the congregation sat on the floor. Twelve monks, ranging in age from about sixty years old to about eight years old, sat next to the giant golden statue of Buddha. Each of the monks, each wearing the traditional red robes, sat upon a raised platform, also made of cargo pellets, that was no more than six inches from the floor. Off to the right side of the status of Buddha sat the head monk, dressed in traditional red robes as well, upon a golden thrown. The chair is described as a thrown because it sits higher than any other person in the room, clearly making this monk the most important person at the event. This raised platform on which the monks sat is another symbol of the monks' higher social status, even higher than the Prince, at this event. Lith Panyanouvong and his family sat in the front of the Buddha statue near the other monks, clearly showing the importance of this family, not only because the ritual itself revolved around one of their family members but also because of their social status. Around them sat other dignified Laotians who are also of the former aristocracy.

Located in front of the monks were twelve wooden bowls. These are bowls for the monks to collect alms. These bowls are known by the Laotians as bod. People lined up and individually placed food into the bowls. This specific ritual of giving alms to the monks is called sai bod. The sai bod ritual is mirrors the feudalistic system where the commoners pay homage to a lord.

As people finished filling the bowls with the food they brought, they each sat amongst the others in the congregation facing the altar. Some sat Indian-style, also know as the lotus position, with their legs folded under them. Most of the women and a few of the older men sat with their legs to the side. It is not “lady-like” for a woman to fold her legs like a man. They chatted in their native languages, socializing only with people in their immediate vicinity and with people of their social status.

There was a clear distinction between the women of different social status. The women who sat in the traditional style, with legs folded to the side, wore a traditional Laotian wrap or skirt and the matching sash over their shoulder, but they wore a western style shirt. For instance, the wife of Lith Panyanouvong wore a blouse with a lady's suit coat. The women around her that were of the same social status as she wore similar dress. The women of lower social status wore Western clothing and sat at the back of the ritual area.

A prayer followed the sai bod section of the ritual. During the prayer, everyone faced the monks and Buddha and bowed. According to Toby Panyanouvong, the monks are the ones who pray to get the others to reach nirvana; thus, they serve as intermediaries between the divine and the congregation. In this relationship, the monks are something like a saint, a person who has the power to grant others ascension. In Theravada Buddhism, Buddha is not a deity but rather the first man to find the path to nirvana; therefore, making him nothing more than a monk himself. This is why the congregation shows reverence for the monks the same way they show reverence for Buddha.

At the end of the prayer, trays of food were brought before the monks. An elderly man chanted in Laotian that they offer food, money, cookies, and flowers to the monks. The men then picked up the bowls and placed them even closer to the monks, even the child monks, so that they would be within arms reach. Again, the men bowed before leaving the vicinity of the monks.

When they were finished, everyone in the congregation lowered their heads and began to pray in Pali again. It was a very short chant, only lasting a few seconds, before the head monk took over and began to pray in Pali over the audio amplifier. The rest of the monks followed him in chanting. In the chant, the monks prayed for the people on the congregation. They accepted the gifts presented to them in the prayer as well. They blessed the food presented to them. When the monks concluded their chant, the people raised their hands to their foreheads in a sign of respect known as nop. This sign of respect is a form of greeting, equivalent to a handshake in North America, but also serves as a salute to a person of higher status. The higher the hands are placed in front of the face, the more respect that individual has for the other.

At the conclusion of this fifteen minute prayer segment, the monks began to eat the food brought before them. Most of the congregation started to chat amongst themselves while the monks ate. The elders of the congregation sat quietly and slowly looked at those around them. No one moved from their place during this time. They sat and waited approximately twenty minutes until the monks finished eating. In their society, it is important for the most important people to eat first or get the larger portion of food. This is a tradition that exists in many agrarian societies and has no real religious significance.

A man then hit a gong three times in about a two second interval. Multicolored holiday lights were draped over the statue of Buddha and then lit. A few people then picked up the remaining food and distributed it to the people in the congregation. They all ate in groups on the floor where they were sitting. The young monks, ranging in age from about eight to sixteen, then departed to go back to the ritual area. As the congregation ate, a few of the monks each had a cigarette and relaxed. Traditional Laotian music, Mu Lam music, began to play while the people ate. The setting turned into a very casual atmosphere where people seemed to relax and enjoy each other’s company. The setting moved from very formal to very casual. All members of the congregation interacted with each other, regardless of social status. Some members of the congregation went up and spoke to the monks, but upon approaching the platform, they did do the nop sign of respect.

About an hour later, members of the congregation started to decorate trees with money. They were artificial trees made of bamboo sticks. The head monk then came over the audio amplifier and introduced the hosts and thanked them for holding the event. An elderly man sitting near the front started telling everyone about his grandmother, who is over one-hundred years old, and how she is related to many of them there. This woman is also the great-aunt of the host, Toby Panyanouvong. Meanwhile, the middle-aged and young women of the community gathered in a small area on the side. Banana leaves, fresh bananas, and rice were brought to them. They took banana leaves and placed them flat on the floor. They then filled the leaves with rice and bananas. They then rolled the leaves tightly and placed them in metal boxes. The metal boxes were placed one by one on three fire pits just outside of the ritual area. Men, ranging from their early thirties to their late forties, left the ritual area and went into an empty room in the house to socialize. The elderly of the community, both male and female, sat and conversed with the remaining monks in front of the altar. This interaction between the elderly and the young also shows a difference in social status. The elderly are highly respected as wise members of the society, regardless of their social class. The elderly converse with the monks because they are of a similar status and maturity; meanwhile, others of high status, including the host, converses with all members of the community, but mainly with members of a similar social status.

Approximately two hours later, the head monk came over the audio amplifier again and started to explain why they needed to pray to Buddha. This prayer to honor Buddha’s accomplishments is called wei pah. Occasionally throughout the prayer, the congregation bowed, but the monks did not bow.

When the they finished chanting, the monk reintroduced the hosts and explained what the ritual was for Boun and Bawthong. Speaking in Laos, he said that they died over twenty years prior and that family wants them to reach nirvana. The head monk began to tell the story of about how the Buddha preached. He said that he is preaching the same way Buddha preached. He explained that the Kong Ka Tin ritual is good for the people that hosts, for the people that are present, and for the monks who participated, and especially for Boun and Bawthong. He said that when people die, they cannot take any material possessions with them; therefore, material wealth is irrelevant to spiritual enlightenment. What is important is what accompanies them to the afterlife. What accompanies them is all the good things they have done in their lives, which is boun. He said it is possible, through the Kong Ka Tin ritual, to send boun from yourself to your deceased family members. This is why the ritual shows appreciation and respect for the ones who have died, the family members of the hosts. He explains that the time it takes to organize the ritual and gather everyone together is very much appreciated and helps to accumulate boun.

It is interesting to note that the head monk placed emphasis on the fact that material wealth is irrelevant to spiritual enlightenment in a ritual where wealth is redistributed. In the Kong Ka Tin ritual, items are given to the monks as omens to raise boun for themselves; however, the monks do not keep all that is given to them. Monks only keep what they need and donate the rest to charity, usually to needing families within their own community but sometimes to other charity organizations in the area. This is an instance where religion is used to modify a social problem, some people having extremely more wealth than others. It is interesting to contemplate whether this ritual will continue within new capitalist society of the Laotian community, where extremes of poor and rich do not exists like in a feudalistic society and there is not as much need for the former aristocratic families to provide for the former peasants.

Continuing with his speech, the head monk then begins to tell the congregation of a Buddhist myth about a man who did not worry about his parents. The man listened to his wife and left his home at a young age. He did not do anything to help take care of this parents when he got older. The man's parents aged and became too weak to work. They became hungry and starved because their son did not care for them the way he should have. The monk said that it is a child's responsibility to take of the parents, in life and in death, to make sure they get to nirvana. While telling the story, the monk occasionally began to chant certain sections.

We see moral stories such as this one in Western religions as well. These religious stories serve to modify the behaviors of the congregation through rewards. Those who take care of their parents and do good things for other people will be rewarded with eternal bliss. This story also points out the important of this ritual and the power of the community as a whole.

When the head monk finished his story, everyone bowed and the gong rang three times again. The congregation then stood up and started to chat amongst themselves. The remaining monks and the head monk began to converse with the elders in the front rows. This was the conclusion of the first day of the ritual. A few minutes later, the monks returned to the temple.

After the ritual, people partied inside the Panyanouvong home until morning. Most of the women and children sat on the floor and played cards. Meanwhile, the men sat at the very long dinning table and talked. The hostess of the home served everyone drinks. Located near the kitchen was a buffet filled with traditional Laotian cuisine. Most of the food was vegetarian. The foods that contained meat did not have a large quantity of meat. This feast was another reward to the congregation from the Panyanouvong family. They prepared this meal to celebrate not only the raising of boun for their family members, but for the power of the community as a whole.

The next morning, many people from the congregation on the previous day gathered just after sunrise. They gathered together the items that were given to the monks. They placed the items into boxes and placed them in three cars. After cleaning up the ritual area, they all departed for the temple in Lang Xang Village, between New Iberia and Youngsville.

Upon arrival at the temple, the boxes were removed from the trunks and the hosts took the boxes to the temple doors. They were greeted at the temple doors by the monks. The hosts turned the gifts over to the monks and they signed with respect before departing.

The ritual began at noon on the first day and ended around eight in the morning the next day. The early morning ceremony was not elaborate or extravagant, but it showed that the people cater to the monks for their own benefit. Monks live only on the charity of their constituents. The monks are very humble in receiving gifts and will most often give them to a needing family before keeping them for themselves. Again, the ritual also works to redistribute the wealth amongst the community. It also brings the community together in cooperation for the purpose of one goal.

The Kong Ka Tin ritual is a very important ritual to the Laotians of South Louisiana. This ritual helps to remind them of their origins, but also reinforces their beliefs and their convictions. The ritual brings out the good in people, since attendants are expected to give something to charity. But the main theme of the ritual, earning points to reach nirvana, is the most important reason to attend the ritual.

The social ramifications of the ritual are truly profound. The social status of each individual is reaffirmed. The high class are reminded of their obligations to the poor and the lower class is reminded of their reliance on the aristocracy. Only someone from the higher classes has the means to organize such a ritual; thus, someone who is poor cannot raise boun for himself or herself without the aristocrat hosting such a ritual. The ritual also reminds the aristocrats, the former ruling class in this case, that they are subordinate to the divine and the clergy. Those who devout their lives to the spiritual have a higher social status than them and even they have to pay reverence to someone else. The entire ritual is based on reciprocity of both material goods and spiritual reassurance.

1. Toby Sisouphanh Panyanouvong, interview by author, transcribed, New Iberia, La., 13 April 2007. The original interview took place immediately following the video recording of the ritual in November 2006; however, I spoke to Mr. Panyanouvong again to confirm sociological issues.

2. Ibid.

Panyanouvong, Toby Sisouphanh, Theravada Buddhist and Ritual Host. Interview by author, 13 April 2007, New Iberia, La. Transcribed. University of Louisiana, Lafayette, La.